The historical continuum of the Naga sovereign existence is unequivocally established from time· immemorial. They live free as one people one nation. Each village within the Naga territories functions as an Independent sovereign republic, enabling them a sufficient, healthy, and contented life. They are neither Indian nor Burmese racially, historically, politically and culturally. Furthermore, Nagalim was never a constituent part of either the Indian or the Burmese state. Notably, even the independence movement in India left them untouched. It was in 1832 that the British colonial forces entered into the Naga territory and occupied a part of Nagas areas. However there are no written treaties by which the sovereignty of the Nagas was transferred to the British. Therefore, they have no legal authority to cede the Nagas political rights or the territorial jurisdictions of Nagalim to either India or Burma.

From the very inception of foreign occupation, the Nagas consistently refused to acquiesce and resisted in defence of their sovereign rights, distinct identity and cultural heritage. On 10th January 1929, the Nagas formally demanded the restoration of their independence when British withdrew their power from India and Burma. The Nagas Club, the sole Pan-Naga organisation existing then, submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission on behalf of the Nagas, demanded that, “we should not be thrust to the mercy of the people who had never conquered us and to whom we were never been subjected, but to leave us alone”. Thus, on the recommendation of the Simon Commission the “Naga Hills District” was declared to be treated as “excluded area” under the government of India act of 1935 on March 3, 1935. It was further stated that no act enacted by the federal legislature or Assam Legislature was to apply to the Naga Hills.

On 15th July, 1947 Naga delegates met Mahatma Gandhi the father of the Indian nation at Bhangi Colony, Delhi to tell him that they were resolved to declare their independence a day before India would do so, on August 14, 1947, where, Gandhi stated that, “Nagas have every right to be Independent. I believe in the brotherhood of man, but I do not believe in force union and force marriage. If you do not wish to join the union of India, nobody will force you to do that. The congress government will not do that”.

According to plans and preparations, Nagas in the occupied areas formally declared independence on 14th August, 1947 one day ahead of the Indian Independence. The government of India and the United Nations Organisation were duly informed by cable. UN’ s acknowledgement was received from Salt Lake, USA. The cable read: “Benign Excellency (.) Kindly put on record that the Nagas will be independent (.) Discussions with India are carried on to that effect (.) Nagas do not accept Indian constitution (.) The right of the people must prevail regardless of size”. These are the documented history.

The government of India declined to recognize Naga Independence blaming that it was the handiwork of a few cohort Naga leaders. Therefore, the Nagas conducted a Plebiscite on the 16th May, 1951.Wherein 99.9% voted in favour of sovereign independent Nagalim. The result was duly dispatched to the President and Prime Minister of India. It was also send to the Secretary General, UNO. Suppressing the democratic and non-violent approach of the Nagas, the government of India forcibly conducted the first and second Indian general elections in 1952 and 1957, however the Nagas boycotted both the general election to convey their protest.

Prior to the Indian general election of 1952, on January 24, 1950, the NNC formally informed the government of India, UNO and all the foreign Ambassadors in the New Delhi that “Nagas do not accept the Indian constitution”. Nevertheless, the government of India in pursuit of its political strategy convinced some Naga opportunists and formulated “Sixteen Points Agreement” that culminated the creation of the present so-called Nagaland State in 1963. It was however rejected by the Naga people.

Beginning from 1953 the Indian Government started deploying hundreds of thousands of its security forces to conduct military campaigns across Nagalim, rendering the Naga areas embattled. In the course of these operations, villages were burned, women were subjected to rape, educational institutions and churches were desecrated and converted into barracks for Indian security forces. Thousands of innocent Nagas were killed. The hardships and suffering inflicted in the hands of Indian army were described as transcending human expressions. Despite these measures the attempt to subdue the Nagas through military might proved futile exercise as the Naga people steadfastly refused to accept the Indian constitution.

General Thimayya, the then Chief of Indian Army who oversaw these military operations in Nagalim in mid-1950s, realized and formally declared the following propositions that:

“(a). Naga problem is a political issue

(b). Treating Naga problem as law and order problem would be wrong and

(c). Therefore, it needs political treatment apart from military treatment”.

At the initiative of the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC), a ceasefire agreement was reached on May 24, 1964 and came into effect from September 6, 1964 between the Government of India and the Federal Government of Nagaland with the objective of paving the way for political dialogue. However, it ended in a dead-lock on account of Indian colonial policy, which was followed by resumption of armed confrontation between the Indian security forces and the Nagas. After a lapse of few years, a delegation of Federal Government of Nagaland signed an accord known as the Shillong Accord on 11th November, 1975 as the “representative of the underground organisations” which unconditionally accepted the Indian constitution. However, it was wholly condemned and rejected by the People in the National Assembly, regarded it as an act of treason.

Subsequent to these events, the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) was formed on 31st January, 1980, and elected Mr. Isak Chishi Swu asthe Chairman with SS. Khaplang as Vice Chairman and Mr. Th. Muivah as the General Secretary in the National Assembly of 1980, as the national movement couldn’t longer be continued under the banner of the Naga National Council, owing to the latter’s implication in the Shillong Accord.

After years of protracted armed conflict, Indian political leadership in Delhi along with Indiari Army generals – including Gen. Shankar Roy Chaudhury, the then Chief of Indian Army in between 1994-97, realized and stated that, “Military solution is not possible. It is time for India and the Nagas to talk across the table”. Consequently, the ceasefire agreement was signed between the government of India and the NSCN on 25th July, 1997, effective from 1st of August, 1997 to start political negotiation on the three conditions:

1. Talk without any conditions.
2. Talks at the Prime Ministerial level and
3. In a third country.

By virtue of these three mutually agreed terms, the current Indo – Naga political talks were commenced from August 1, 1997 between the Government of India and the NSCN. The talks were subsequently held at various venues outside India including Paris, New York, Bangkok, Osaka, Geneva and Amsterdam in Netherlands as well as numerous other places, including within India itself.

At the Amsterdam talks, a joint communique was signed on dated 11th July, 2002 between the Government of India and NSCN, in which GOI officially recognized the “Unique history and situation of the Nagas”. This recognition signifies that Nagas are not a part of Indian union either by consent or by conquest. It was further affirmed that the situation in Nagalim is political in nature and does not constitute a law and order problem. It was also agreed that talks should proceed in an accommodative and forward-looking manner so that a lasting and honourable solution can be arrived at.

In furtherance of this direction, NSCN has conducted Naga people’s consultative meetings, in which all sections of Naga populace from across the length and breadth of Nagalim participated. At the 4th consultative meeting held at Hebron on 20th and 21st January, 2005, the following declarations were made:

1. The fullest support for an honourable solution to the Indo-Naga political issue on the basis of the uniqueness of Naga historical and situation.
2. That the unification of all Naga areas is legitimate and therefore non-negotiable.
3. That the political solution should be found through peaceful means and
4. That both government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim uphold utmost honesty and sincerity towards finding a political solution.

Accordingly, and in strict adherence to the principle of unique history and situation of the Nagas – the political dialogue between the Government of India and NSCN was continued. Given the indisputably unique character of the case, it was inherently incumbent upon both parties to arrived at a solution that is equally unique, honourable, and above all, acceptable to the Naga people.

Following more than an uninterrupted decade of continuous political negotiation between the government of India and NSCN conducted at numerous venues both within and outside India reached a historic political agreement on 3rd August, 2015, known as the Framework Agreement. This agreement reaffirmed the recognition of the “unique history and position” of the Nagas. This recognition is a definitive acknowledgement that Nagas are not and have never been a constituent part or party to the union of India whether by consent or by conquest. Furthermore, “both sides have understood each other’s respective positions and are cognizant of the universal principle that in a democracy sovereignty lies with the people”. By its very terms, signifies that the Government of India has officially and irrefutably acknowledged the Naga declaration of independence from British Colonial occupation on 14th of August, 1947 – one day ahead of India’s Independence on the 15th of August, 1947 – as well as the validity of the Naga plebiscite of the 16th May 1951, in which 99.9% voted decisively in favour of sovereign independent Nagalim. It acknowledges the subsequent Nagas boycott of the Indian general elections of 1952 and 1957. Consequently, the Framework Agreement constitutes an official recognition and acknowledgment of the “sovereignty” of Nagalim.

In accordance with this agreement, the government of India and NSCN respecting people’s wishes for sharing the sovereign power as defined in the competencies reached an agreement on 3rd August, 2015 as an honourable solution. This arrangement explicitly provides that Nagalim and India shall share sovereign power in specified areas of common interest as defined in the competencies. It must be emphatically underscored that the concept of sharing sovereign power as embedded in the Framework Agreement does not in any manner constitute a compromise, diminution or surrender of the sovereign rights of the Naga people as a distinct political nation. These historic milestones and the sacrifices must never be forgotten rather it should strengthen to resolve towards an honourable and definitive conclusion. With gratitude we acknowledge the years of service rendered by the Hebron leadership and the sacrifices borne by its leaders and cadres, in the long journey towards an honourable solution, up to 3rd August, 2015 of Framework Agreement is neither forgotten nor dismissed.

Regrettably, following the demise of Chairman Isak Chishi Swu in 2016 the principal signatory of the Framework Agreement and Chairman of the NSCN – a marked and disconcerting shift in the posture and position of the Government of India became progressively manifest. Moreover, exploiting the advanced age and declining health of Th. Muivah, the General Secretary and the Chief negotiator of NSCN, the government of India issued three – months ultimatum to the NSCN, effective from August-October 2019, threatening that there would be no more talks if the NSCN insisted on a separate flag and constitution.

Despite of this act of betrayals to the principles of Framework Agreement by the government of India and Mr. RN Ravi’s declaration on the talks between GOI and NSCN concluded on 31st October 2019, the leadership of Hebron continued the meaningless and endless talks with the government of India. Moreover, during this period of duress and under sustained pressure from the government of India, a peace proposal – referred to as the “Competencies” was formulated by a committee led by Lieut. Gen V.S. Atem – VC and was subsequently submitted to the government of India on 2nd January, 2020 without prior consultation with the National Assembly or Tatar Hoho.

It must be unequivocally asserted that the competencies or any agreement emanating therefrom must not deviate from the principles of the Naga political movement. Unfortunately, the submitted competencies were drafted in a manner craftily leaning towards and operating within the framework of the constitution of India or Indian Union. Thereby, it stands in direct contravention of the established political philosophy of Nagalim. That is not negotiation. That is absorption by another name.

The competencies proceed from a fundamentally different logic, bypassing foundational principles, and directly addressing the allocation of governmental and administrative powers -including the Structure of the Tatar Hoho, the Yaruiwo, the Kilonsers, the Naga Regional Territorial Councils, taxation, land, security and other such matters. If sovereignty lies with the people, then the sovereignty of the Nagas and the constituent power belongs first and foremost to the Naga people themselves. The Nagas Plebiscite of 1951 was significant not merely for its political outcome, but because it reflected a profound understanding that the legitimacy of the national cause ultimately rests upon the expressed will of the people. No leader, no committee and no agreement can override that will.

It is imperative to note that numerous competencies have been drawn within the constitution of India/Union of India. Pertinent instances are as follows:

1. Competency of Political Representation: SL no. 2. (g). “The Election Commission of the Tatar Hoho shall function in conjunction with the Election Commission of India”. This provision undermines the autonomous electoral authority of the Tatar Hoho by subordinating it to an external Indian institution.
2. SL no 2 (k). “The Yaruiwo (president) and the Kedallo (vice- president) shall be elected by both houses of the Tatar Hoho and in recognition of this the President of India shall issue a proclamation for assumption of office”. This provision effectively subjects the assumption of Naga leadership to the former imprimatur of the Indian presidency, thereby compromising Naga sovereign prerogative.
3. SL no. 3 (vi). “The Oath of office of Midan Kilonser and all Kilonsers of the NRTC shall “be administered by the governor of the state concerned” – That is the concerned Indian state. This provision explicitly subordinates Naga executive authority to an Indian governmental functionary, which is fundamentally incompatible with the sovereign status of Nagalim.
4. Sl.no.4 (c). This provision stated that “Nagas shall send Members of Parliament to both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha of India”. Such a provision fundamentally subordinates Naga political representation to the Indian parliamentary system.
5. SL no. 6 (c). ”For the best possible solution, positive steps shall be taken at the earliest and both the parties agreed that the matter shall be amicably resolved through earnest political process”. Pursuant to the declaration no. 2 of the 4th Naga people’s consultative meeting of 2005 the unification of all Nagas areas is legitimate and therefore non­negotiable. Consequently, in the absence of defined period or stipulated time frame, this matter cannot be regarded as settled through vague and ambiguous formulations such as the assurance that it “shall be amicably resolved through earnest political process”. Such language, while well-intentioned, lacks the precision and enforceability that subject warrants. Furthermore, if positive steps are genuinely to be taken at the earliest, then no justifiable necessity arises for the Naga Regional Territorial Councils (NRTCs) and District Councils (DCs) as their very establishment presupposes fragmentation rather than a unified territorial arrangement.
6. SL no. 7 (a&b). The provision that “until integration PGN, NRTC and DCs shall have due consultation with the PAN Naga Hoho (PNH)” it stands in direct contradiction to serial no. 6 (c), which affirms that positive steps shall be taken at the earliest. This inconsistency provides evident of political manipulation, taking the Naga people for granted as though they were fools. Such provisions of inconsistency violate the Naga political principles, the people’s aspiration and manifest their inclination toward the Indian federal system within the Indian constitution.
7. SL no. 29 (a). “This agreement shall constitute a constitution which shall be called ‘Yehzabo’ covering the areas of its own competencies”. The critical question arises is who possesses the constituent authority to constitute the governmental order? If the Naga sovereignty resides with the Naga people, then the constituent power must likewise emanate from them alone.
8. 51.no. 29 (b). “The Naga Yehzabo shall be incorporated as a separated chapter in the constitution of India”. This provision effectively subordinates the Naga constitutional framework to the Indian constitutional order, thereby compromising the sovereign autonomy of Nagalim.

These provisions, collectively and individually represent a departure from the fundamental principles of the Naga political movement. Hence, it must be subjected to the strictest scrutiny in light of the sovereign will of the Naga people, as expressed through the historic Naga Plebiscite of 1951 and subsequent consultative processes. It will not pass unchallenged.

More fundamentally, what is conspicuously absent from these instruments is a temporal limitation – no clause of the kind that would confine their operation to a defined period. Instead they are drafted to allow and even to entrench, an indefinite arrangement of co-existence within the Indian union, in direct conflict with the enduring aspirations of the Naga people.

In view of the betrayal of the Framework Agreement of August 3, 2015 by the government of India, Mr. Th. Muivah, the General Secretary, Ato Kilonser of NSCN/GPRN, and the chief political negotiator issued a statement on the 7th November 2024, declaring that:

“If such political initiative is rejected by the government of India, the NSCN shall resume the violent armed resistance against India for defending the Nagalim unique history and for sovereign existence”.

In spite of the statements declared by Th. Muivah, Ato Kilonser, the leadership of Hebron/ GHQs failed to take the necessary steps as well as condemned the ‘Competencies’ submitted to the Government of India on 2nd January, 2020. The competencies violate both the letter and the spirit of the Framework Agreement It equally betrays the declarations of the 4th Naga People’s Consultative Meeting of the 20th and 21st January, 2005. The Hebron leadership did not reject or condemned the competencies. Instead, they chose to defend it, claiming that the ‘competencies’ are merely a proposal, and still waiting to be finalized through negotiation. That defense does not hold, and it cannot hold. H the proposals submitted to the Government of India are already framed within the. Indian constitution, by what logic could they possibly stand outside it once finalized? They cannot. The argument and logic collapses on contact with its own premise.

What we are witnessing is nothing less than deliberate political manipulation – an endless dance to the tune of Indian political music, together with an endless stream of lies told in the name of N aga political talks – all for the accumulation of wealth. Their every action must be exposed and it will be. The Naga political oppressor has become their political master and friend, while the true Nagas – those who stood firm for Naga sovereign rights have now become their enemies. All of these are for the sake of their own selfish financial gain and to secure immunity from security threats at the hands of Indian security forces and others. That is the truth and no amount of procedural language will conceal it.

Therefore, to save the nation from yet another surrender and to rescue the Naga political movement from the predicament in which it now stands, the Extra Ordinary Joint Emergency Meeting of the civil national workers and the Naga army officers of the NSCN/GPRN was convened on 21st July, 2026 at Mt. Horeb, Eastern Nagalim – then known as Eastern Flank declared the establishment of a ‘Provisional Government’ until a full-fledged government is formed. The meeting also condemned the government of India for its insincere approach to the sacred cause of the Naga people and for its deviation from the foundational principles enshrined within the framework agreement.

Let it be understood, once and for all that the blood and sweat of struggles endured more than seven decades by the Nagas cannot – and must not be surrendered, compromised or settled within the framework of the Indian constitution or union, regardless of the difficulties encountered and no matter the position adopted by the government of India. It is an absolute and non-negotiable imperative that we shall never consent this compromise formula or surrender of Naga sovereign rights. Not now. Not ever.

The joint meeting of 21st July, 2026, chaired by Lieut. Gen. (retd.) HS. Ramsan-VC, thereby resolved that the ongoing talks between the Government of India and the Hebron leadership no longer represent the mandate of the Naga people. It is natural that traitors cannot and will never stand for a nation. Those who commit them serve no one but themselves, placing personal interest above the collective will and future of the people. Such individuals proceed on their own behalf, motivated by their silver coins, in the manner of Judas Iscariot.

Accordingly, the meeting resolved to stand our ground with unwavering spirits to press political resistance alongside arms resistance until the restoration of full length and breadth of Nagalim sovereignty is achieved.

Hence, to safeguard the sovereign existence of Naga nation, I on behalf of the Provisional Government, NSCN/GPRN issue an earnest and resolute appeal to all Nagas to rise up together in unity and restore our God – given rights.

Kuknalim!

Ikato I Chishi Swu

Chairman

National Socialist Council of Nagalim

Provisional Government